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A

Contribution

to the artistic

documentary research project

"Searching

for My Mother's

Number”

by

Sanja Iveković,

Dokumenta 11,

Kassel

15. 7.-15. 9. 2002

www.biondanera.net

 

 

Partly published also in the

Catalogue to

“in absentia”

Collective Contemporary Art Exhibition, curated by Stephen Wright

Centre d’art Passerelle,

Brest, 22 june to 15 October 2005., p. 59

 

 

“The Blond Nera”

Victimizing Non-Victims

 

The Quest for Personal Identity, and

How We Misunderstand

a Nazi Victim's Discourse

 

Diary of a Misconceptualizing Reader

 

 

At first I thought, misguided by the soundful combination of her mediterranian name "Nera" and her croatized German surname (Šafarić), that the mother of the artist was a Croatian Jew. I started reading her diary with glasses of a positive ideology of reconciliation, I saw at once different or "multicultural" identities unified in one person's name, in her origin and family history - as the personal sign of this woman. This very "contemporary" and politically correct way of reading fitted with the stereo-typical way of seeing a positive cultural history of the Balkans, where Jews have always figured as a very characteristic but not the exclusive case of mixed personal histories. Besides that I was sure about the reasons why - because of being a Jew - she was transported from the Italian concentration and extermination camp, La risierea San Sabba in Triest (formerly a rice factory, easily adapted for burning of people), to Auschwitz, to be exterminated there and not in Triest. La risiera was a death factory, big enough for the needs of the Nazis from 1943 till 1945, in the region of Northern Italy and Slovenian and Croatian Adriatic Coast.

I do not know whether it was the name of Auschwitz, the universal place-form of the history of extermination of Jews, that brought me to the poetical-semological way of explainig (and justifying?) the process of de-localisation and de-racination of Nera's personal history as a young communist and member of the (formerly) yugoslav resistence movement. Or was it, rather, the opposite way leadng from her "local" name to the end-place of a universal history? Wasn't it, so I thought, a sufficient indication of her Jewish identity that "Nera Šafarić" was selected out like a black (Jewish) corn among the white rice of the Slavonic race - minor with respect to the German but still “aryan” - of the arrested and deported Croatian and Slovenian partisans from the so-called "Adriatisches Küstenland". Wasn't she just (justly?) added to the mass of the unclean rice of (non-aryan) Jews, deported from Triest and the reagion to Auschwitz at that time. Why Auschwitz if not for that one reason because she was a Jew besides being a captured partisan of Tito's liberation movement. Was Auschwitz the "Motherland" of all Jews to which they necessarily belonged by the pre-destinated future of the Big Death in the Third Reich. In this perspective "Nera" was just an omen, a name-symbol of a destiny-like dark history of Jews. I conceptualized the search for her non-memorized number as a process of blowing up a small individual dark squar on a dark background of the universal history of mankind. But she contredicted my reading, she didn't re-cognize herself as a Jew.

It was an over-ideologized conceptualisation of my reading but not obviously a false one. I understood that I spontanuously - ideologically - applied a method of over-exposing the object of search by cultural-historic elements that make up its semiotic representation, adding freely and arbitrarily further semio-logical associations such as "riso nero" (instead of “Riso amaro”) - the title of a dark-realism film by Roberto Rosselini about women's post-war history, and the bright shining memory of the foundation of the Jew brigade within Tito's partisan army in the late 1943. My mis-conception viz. re-construction of a heroic shining dark ghost was to perfect to be correct. Was it false?

 

Nera's Local Self-Understanding

When Nera in her diary tells how she got cought by the Nazis in the house of “the ingenieur” it was with nearly friendly expressions of a pleasently fulfilled prophecy. She was expected to come out from the cave, where she - the shining blond Nera - was invisible for the gaze of the hunter: "Ach, da ist sie ja!" (“There she is!” - so Nera cites). These are not words of a personal but of a topological identification. The German word she heard was "da" and not "das". She stepped into a capture frame. Obviously, she was already known to her catchers. She was not sought for but simply trapped in a place-form matching with guilt or condamnation to death. But her guilt was not simply the big historical one. According to her own testimony, she was delivered to the Nazis for being guilty of another thing than just of being a young communist "working" illegaly for Tito's resistence movement, and by being guilty to another fellow subject than just to the big One, "the Nazis". The other guilt of her was the love for men. The other subject, she felt guilty to, were other women ("Over again, it was a comradess that betrayed me"). Nevertheless we know from indepedent testimonies that she was gossiped by male comrades too (not only by women), for “receiving visits by the enemy”.

The real thing of which she was guilty comes out later in her diary: "I only thought of the final victory and of my last love". It is nothing but her personal sincerity crossing through different ideologies. She had a melancholic sense of historical optimism endued with a looser insight for justice ("People are just like that"). The reason why she didn't die in Auschwitz cannot be just the six-months-period of imprisonnement - as if it were a too short period for dying a true victim's death. It must be rather the lack, in her self-understanding, of a victim's consciousness. The reason why there is no mention of a Jewish "identity" in her diary is not simply because she was not a Jew but rather because she did not have the awareness of being a Non-Jew in Auschwitz. She didn't see from within the camp what I saw from without, looking through her name. With her disinterest for anything more than stripped clothes of camp prisonners she contradicted the invisible, but operative, classification of victims in Auschwitz, which is valid even today. Was this the reason why she later became untrustworthy and unclassifiable victim of the early regime in the post-war-communist Yugoslavia?

 

A non-conclusive number

I have always wondered what would be the function of Nera's prisonner's number? Regarding the fact that it has always-allready been "there", in Auschwitz, its eventual finding will always be redundant like every identification. More important thing is that the finding of the number must remain non-conclusive for the artist’s project because it is a research project about the history of the number. In this history, Auschwitz is only one of many ends - a big one, to be sure. It is a dark place where Nera saw herself “staring for the first and the last time" in a Soviet documentary film on the Great Liberation of Auschwitz. But beyond her narcissist self-understanding, it is a place which got cleaned from history long before Heidegger ever came to call it the bright-shining Night of Being of the National-socialist People's Movement. It became a museum of what the Nazis did to the mankind and not of what the mankind did against the Nazis. No wonder that Nera’s self-understanding is not accepted, that she remained unrecognized as non-victim. The way of organizing the testimony about the criminal against the humanity seems to reflect the logic of the criminal himself. He sees the humanity only as the matter for doing things. Is there in Auschwitz any trace of what Nera did to the Nazis? Does the history of victims report of any activity besides their being "normal people with ordinary everyday lifes"? Did the Nazis not have any other enemies besides big armies of the war-winning nations? Were prisonners not rebelling humans through their endurance? Is this not resistance?

Universal histories seem to be sought out and concluded by narratives but not local ones. The real history of Nera's number should be sought for in her construction of the "ticklish subject" - implied perhaps in the figure of "another woman" - of the human intrigue between persons and institutions. Her look on the history of the liberation movement is not heroic: "There is no heroism in there, only the beautiful blue sky and nicely dressed people", she says commenting her expectation to be called up for execution in the Risiera-Camp, anounced to her by a female fellow prisonner. On this background, finding her prisoner's number could turn out to be the failure of not looking after the history of her name and of endorsing - be it unwittlingly or not - the ideology of the end of history. As if the human history had ended up in the big mouth of silence in Auschwitz where - confronted with the Big Evil - one cannot talk any more. Even if a number concludes the historical research work, giving it an end by classifying a personal history within the universal history of victims, it is Nera's personal history, including her self-understanding, that should guide the research to an unconclusive, but still truth-oriented discourse of con-current small histories competing for universally acceptable truth. The big story of the (Ex-) Yugoslav socialist emancipation movement has another, competing narrative in Nera's becoming mother. In rendering her number invisible she must have used the first socialist washing product. Her story is about how we survived "communism" and still love it.

 


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